George Ewart NIXON

NIXON, George Ewart

Personal Data

Party
Liberal
Constituency
Algoma West (Ontario)
Birth Date
March 9, 1898
Deceased Date
March 17, 1981
Website
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_E._Nixon
PARLINFO
http://www.parl.gc.ca/parlinfo/Files/Parliamentarian.aspx?Item=d24700e7-2465-4465-a49c-7496259cf5d9&Language=E&Section=ALL
Profession
merchant

Parliamentary Career

March 26, 1940 - April 16, 1945
LIB
  Algoma West (Ontario)
June 11, 1945 - April 30, 1949
LIB
  Algoma West (Ontario)
June 27, 1949 - June 13, 1953
LIB
  Algoma West (Ontario)
August 10, 1953 - April 12, 1957
LIB
  Algoma West (Ontario)
June 10, 1957 - February 1, 1958
LIB
  Algoma West (Ontario)
March 31, 1958 - April 19, 1962
LIB
  Algoma West (Ontario)
June 18, 1962 - February 6, 1963
LIB
  Algoma West (Ontario)
April 8, 1963 - September 8, 1965
LIB
  Algoma West (Ontario)
November 8, 1965 - April 23, 1968
LIB
  Algoma West (Ontario)

Most Recent Speeches (Page 1 of 25)


April 13, 1972

Mr. Nixon:

I will have to admit that 1 am not very much at home in the French language but, as a former parliamentarian in my own country, I feel very much at home in this Chamber. I am grateful for the high privilege which your invitation represents. I am grateful, too, for this chance to return to Canada, and for the opportunity of signing here an historic agreement to restore and protect forever the quality of our Great Lakes which we share together. That agreement testifies to the continuing vitality of our unique relationship which has been described so eloquently by the Prime Minister. In discussing that relationship today, I wish to do so in a way that has not always been customary when leaders of our two countries have met. Through the years our speeches on such occasions have often centered on the decades of unbroken friendship we have enjoyed and our four thousand miles of unfortified frontier. In focusing on our peaceful borders and our peaceful history, they have tended to gloss over the fact that there are real problems between us. They have tended to create the false impression that our countries are essentially alike. It is time for Canadians and Americans to move beyond the sentimental rhetoric of the past. It is time for us to recognize that we have very separate identities; that we have significant differences; and that nobody's interests are furthered when these realities are obscured.

Our peaceful borders and our peaceful history are important symbols, to be sure. What they symbolize, however, is the spirit of respect and restraint which allows us to co-operate despite our differences in ways which help us both. American policy toward Canada is rooted in that spirit. Our policy toward Canada reflects the new approach we are taking in all of our foreign relations, an approach which has been called the Nixon Doctrine. That doctrine rests on the premise that mature partners must have autonomous independent policies; each nation must define the nature of its own interests; each nation must decide the requirements of its own security; each nation must determine the path of its own progress. What we seek is a policy which enables us to share international responsibilities in a spirit of international partnership. We believe that the spirit of partnership is strongest when partners are self-reliant. For among nations, as within nations, the soundest unity is that which respects diversity, and the strongest cohesion is that which rejects coercion.

Over the years, the people of Canada have come to understand these concepts particularly well. Within your own borders, you have been working to bring a wide variety of peoples and provinces and points of view into a great national union, a union which honors the integrity of its constituent elements. It was Prime Minister Laurier who said of Canada's differing components: "I want the marble to remain the marble; I want the granite to remain the granite; I want the oak to remain the oak". This has been the Canadian way. As a result, Canadians have helped to teach the world, as Governor General Massey once said, that the "toleration of differences is the measure of civilization".

Today, mare than ever before, we need to apply that understanding to the whole range of world affairs. To begin with, we must apply it in our dealings with one another. We must realize that we are friends, not because there have been no problems between us, but because we have trusted one another enough to be candid about our problems and because our candour has nourished our co-operation.

Last December your Prime Minister (Mr. Trudeau) and I met in Washington and he asked me if I thought the United States would always want a surplus trade balance with Canada so that we could always export capital here. My answer then, and my answer now, is no. As I sa;d to him at that time, we in the United States saw this same problem from the other side before World War I. We then depended on European capital for our development and we wanted to free ourselves from that dependence. So, we fully understand that Canada is in that same position today.

Canada is the largest trading partner of the United States.

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April 13, 1972

Mr. Richard M. Nixon (President of the United States):

Mr. Speaker of the House of Commons, Mr. Speaker of

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April 14, 1972

the Senate, Mr. Prime Minister, hon. members of the Parliament of Canada, distinguished hosts and friends, I deeply appreciate your kind invitation as well as your cordial welcome.

To all of you who have welcomed Mrs. Nixon and me so warmly on this occasion, I trust you will make allowance for my attempt to speak in the language I studied 37 years ago. When I tried it today, before I came, on our top linguist in the American government, General Walters, he said, "Go ahead, you speak French with a Canadian accent".

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April 13, 1972

Mr. Nixon:

Our economies have become highly interdependent. But the fact of our mutual interdependence and our mutual desire for independence need not be inconsistent traits. No self-respecting nation can or should accept the proposition that it should always be economically dependent upon any other nation. Let us recognize once and for all that the only basis for a sound and healthy relationship between our two proud peoples is to find a pattern of economic interaction which is beneficial to both our countries and which respects Canada's right to chart its own economic course. We must also build a new spirit of partnership within the western hemisphere that we share together. It has been said that Canada is bounded "on the north by gold, on the west by the East, on the east by history, and on the south by friends".

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April 13, 1972

Mr. Nixon:

bound by the great forces of geography and history which are distinctive to the New World. But geography and history alone do not make a community. A true community must be a living entity in which the individuality of each member is a source of pride to all members, in which the unity of all is a source of strength to each. And the great community of the Arpericas cannot be complete without the participation of Canada. That is why we have been encouraged by the recent decisions of Canada to upgrade its participation as an observer in the Organization of American States to ambassadorial status and to apply for membership in the Inter-American Development Bank. For both of these institutions made the abstract concept of community within the Americas a living reality.

A sound concept of community is also important in another international area that we share, the Atlantic Alliance. Just one month after my inauguration as President of the United States, I observed that a new spirit of co-operation within that alliance was essential as we began a new search for co-operation between East and West. The recent agreements; concerning Berlin, and the fact, for example, that thousands of families were reunited this Easter for the first time in many years, are among the first fruits of a new era of East-West negotiation.

But, as we seek better relations with our adversaries, it becomes all the more important to strengthen the alliances with our friends. We must never forget that the strength and the unity of the West has been an indispensable element in helping to bring about the new era of negotiation with the East. That is why we began our round of summit talks last December by meeting with the Prime Minister of Canada, and then with the leaders of other close allies. This is why our East-West conversations will always be accompanied by full and genuine consultations within the Atlantic Alliance.

This alliance began as a way of pooling military resources. Today, it is a way of pooling our intellectual and our diplomatic resources as well. Like our federal approaches to nationhood, like our Canadian-American brotherhood, like our inter-American neighbourhood, the Atlantic Alliance has achieved a creative unity in which the individuality of its members is respected and advanced.

Let us now turn to the world as a whole, for this is where the challenge of building a true community will be most difficult and most important. We, in Canada and the United States, have always been proud to live in what is called the New World. Today there is a new world coming for everyone who lives on this globe. It is our responsibility to make this new world a better world than the world we have known. Canadians and Americans have fought and died together in two world wars in this century. We live now in what has been called a post-war era. But mankind has known a long succession of post-war eras. And each one of them has turned out to be a pre-war era as well. The challenge we face today is to build a permanent post-war era, an era of lasting peace.

My visit to Ottawa comes midway between my visits to Peking and Moscow. In many respects these journeys are very different. In the People's Republic of China, we opened a new dialogue after 22 years of virtually no

communication. In the Soviet Union, there is an opportunity to bring a continuing dialogue to productive conclusions. But in their central aim these journeys to Peking and Moscow are alike. Neither visit is directed against anyone, adversary or ally. Both are for the betterment of everyone, for the peace of all mankind. However, we must not allow the fact of summit meetings to create any unrealistic euphoria.

The responsibility for building peace rests with special weight upon the great powers. Whether the great powers fulfil that responsibility depends not on the atmospherics of their diplomacy but on the realities of their behavior. Great powers must not treat a period of detente as an interlude between periods of tension. Better relations among all nations require restraint by great nations, both in dealing with each other and in dealing with the rest of the world. We can agree to limit arms. We can declare our peaceful purposes. But neither the limitation of arms nor the declaration of peaceful purposes will bring peace if, directly or indirectly, the aggressive use of existing weapons is encouraged. The great powers have a responsibility for the aggressive actions of those to whom they give the means of embarking on such action. The great powers must use their influence to halt aggression, not to encourage it. The structure of world peace cannot be built unless the great powers join together to build it. Its strength will grow only as all nations, of all political and social systems, come to accept its validity and sustain its vitality. This does not mean the great powers must always agree.

We expect to continue to have profound philosophical and diplomatic differences with the Soviet Union and with the People's Republic of China in a number of areas. But, through opening new lines of communication, we hope to increase the chance that in the future we shall talk about our differences and not fight about them. As we have prepared for both these journeys the experience of Canada has been most helpful. I am grateful to both the Prime Minister and to the Opposition Leader, Mr. Stanfield, for sharing their insights with us as we embarked on these endeavours. As we continue together our common quest for a better world order, let us apply the lessons we have learned so well on this continent: that we can walk our own road in our own way without moving farther apart; that we can grow closer together without growing more alike; that peaceful competition can produce winners without producing losers; that success for some need not mean setbacks for the rest; that a rising tide will lift all of our boats; that to go forward at all is to go forward together; that the enemy of peace is not independence but isolation; that the way to peace is an open world.

And let us remember too, these truths that we have found together, that variety can mean vitality; that diversity can be a force for progress; and that our ultimate destiny is indivisible.

When I spoke at the St. Lawrence seaway ceremonies in 1969, I borrowed some words from the monument there which I had joined Queen Elizabeth in dedicating just ten years before. That monument, as its inscription puts it:

bears witness to the common purpose of two nations whose frontiers are the frontiers of friendship, whose ways are the ways of freedom, whose works are the works of peace.

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The truth to which the inscription testifies is of profound importance to people everywhere in this world.

For the ability of our two nations, Canada and the United States, to preserve the frontiers of friendship, to walk in the ways of freedom, and to pursue the works of peace provides example and encouragement to all who seek these same objectives, wherever they may live.

There is nothing more exciting than a time of new beginnings. A member of this body caught that spirit when he spoke in Parliament about the beginnings of Canadian nationhood 100 years ago. Listen to him:

Blood pulsed in our veins, new hopes fired our hearts, new horizons lifted and widened, new visions came to us in the night watches.

May that same sense of excitement inspire our two nations as we help lead the world to new beginnings today.

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April 13, 1972

Mr. Nixon:

It is very important that that be noted in Japan, too.

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