fleet, which had a ratio of two to one over all the other fleets of the world during a great part of that time, prevented the spread of war. It was not because of modern inventions that war was prevented from spreading, because the Napoleonic wars were virtually world wars. They effected war in Canada, in the islands of Oceania, in Java and Sumatra, in southern India, and in Egypt, where, near Cairo, the battle of the Nile was fought; and almost the entire continent of Europe was also involved. At that time there was no guiding, overwhelming force to control and localize wars; and since the beginning of the German movement for equality of strength in naval armaments, Great Britain could not maintain a strong enough navy to guarantee world peace. So, in 1914, we had the first of the modern world wars.
Because we failed to heed the lesson of power we have had another world war within a period of a quarter of a century, the most devastating war in the world's history. We have now had a conference at Dumbarton Oaks, and for the first time since the ending of pax Britannica the world has admitted the necessity for power. I do not believe that this house is sufficiently aware of the tremendous import of the power clauses in the Dumbarton Oaks proposals. I propose to quote briefly the major power proposals of this conference. The first is in chapter V, section B, 1. It compares the proposals with the league of nations. In the league of nations both the assembly and the council could take action with regard to the settling of disputes and the maintenance of international peace and security. Under the charter of Dumbarton Oaks such action would rest solely with the security council. In other words the assembly is now relegated to an advisory position only. Under the Dumbarton Oaks proposals the general assembly will have the right to discuss any question relating to world peace, but if action were necessary it would be for the security council to decide and act. That is the first fundamental difference between the new proposals and the old league.
The next power clause is chapter VI, paragraph 4, which reads as follows:
The security council would have the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security; such responsibility to be freely conferred upon it by the charter by the members of the organization. The powers to be conferred on the security council are greater than have ever before been given to an international body.
I should like to repeat those words, "greater than have ever before been given to an international body."