April 11, 1922

THE GRAIN TRADE

REPORT OP THE COMMITTEE ON AGRICULTURE AND COLONIZATION


Mr. W. F. KAY (Missisquoi) presented the fourth report of the Select Standing Committee on Agriculture and Colonization, as follows: That the question of the constitutionality of the reconstruction of the Wheat Board, with the powers conferred thereon by the orders in council establishing or extending the same he referred to the law officers of the Crown for their reasoned opinion. On motion of Mr. Kay the report was concurred in.


CHARTERED BANKS, ETC.

LIB

William Stevens Fielding (Minister of Finance and Receiver General)

Liberal

Hon. W. S. FIELDING (Minister of Finance) :

Mr. Speaker, in conformity with

the requirements of the Statute, I beg to lay before the House the following papers:

List of. Shareholders of the Chartered banks of Canada; Statement of unclaimed balances; Statement respecting the Quebec Savings Bank.

In former times these papers were printed for the information of the House, but several years ago the late Government, as evidence of its great economy, decided not to print them. As I do not want to be less economical, I am submitting the papers in this form.

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THE GENOA CONFERENCE

DOCUMENTS OP CANNES CONFERENCE TABLED BY THE PRIME MINISTER

LIB

William Lyon Mackenzie King (Prime Minister; President of the Privy Council; Secretary of State for External Affairs)

Liberal

Hon. W. L. MACKENZIE KING (Prime Minister):

Mr. Speaker, yesterday my

hon. friend from Marquette (Mr. Crerar) asked me to bring down certain papers relating to the proceedings at the Genoa Conference as outlined originally at Cannes. I therefore beg to present:

1. Copy of Memorandum on Anglo-French relations and of the draft of the proposed treaty with France presented by the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom to Mr. Briand at the meeting of the Supreme Council at Cannes, January, 1922.

Genoa Conference

2. Copy of Resolutions adopted by the Supreme Council at Cannes, January, 1922, as the basis of the Genoa Conference.

My hon. friend asked that these documents should be incorporated in Hansard, so that hon. members might have an opportunity of perusing them during the Easter vacation. With the unanimous consent of the House I move that these documents be so incorporated.

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LIB

Hewitt Bostock (Speaker of the Senate)

Liberal

Mr. SPEAKER:

Do I understand that

there is unanimous consent for the motion made by the Prime Minister?

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Subtopic:   DOCUMENTS OP CANNES CONFERENCE TABLED BY THE PRIME MINISTER
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?

Some hon. MEMBERS:

Carried.

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Motion agreed to. (The documents referred to are as follows) :


ANGLO-FRENCH RELATIONS


Memorandum by the British Government The British Government strongly desire that the Cannes Conference shall lead to definite results which will be approved by French and British sentiment and also by the opinion of Europe as a whole. In their judgment the indispensable condition of such success is a close preliminary understanding between the French and British Governments. Public opinion is undeniably anxious and disturbed both in Great Britain and in France. Questions in which both countries are deeply interested are rightly believed to be at stake. There is a general feeling that some of the fundamental problems of the peace still await solution, and the critical temper of the public in both countries has given rise to public controversy. The suspicion and uncertainty thus produced have been reflected throughout Europe and even beyond Europe with unhappy results. The failure of the Cannes Conference would therefore re-act with very bad effect on the relations of the two countries. Indeterminate or provisional decisions would be regarded as tantamount to failure, and would inevitably accentuate the divergence between French and British sentiment which has lately made itself felt. Europe would regard any such consequence with dismay, since its peoples realize that a dlose understanding between the British Empire and France is essential to European welfare and the peace of the world. The British Government desire to make it plain at the Cannes Conference that the British Empire and France stand together as firmly in the issues of peace as in the ordeal of war. In their opinion this is not to be secured by any piecemeal treatment of the questions by which the Conference is faced. On the contrary, they consider it absolutely necessary that the problem should be treated as a whole; and with this object in view, they desire to state the position of both countries, as they see it, at the present time. In their opinion there are two principal reasons for anxiety in France. In the first place, French opinion is disquieted on the subject of reparations. France is endeavouring to repair her devastated area, and is obliged to advance great sums, which make a formidable gap in her budget, for that purpose. This expenditure should and must be met by Germany; but, in spite of settlement after settlement, satisfactory reparation by Germany is always postponed. In the second place, French opinion is naturally anxious about the future safety of France. She has been invaded four times in a hundred and twenty years, and in spite of the losses of man-power suffered by Germany in the war and under the peace, France has still a population twenty millions less than that of the German Empire. Germany, moreover, possesses five million men trained to arms, and amongst them a very powerful corps of officers and noncommissioned officers. It is true that Germany has been deprived of nearly all her arms and equipment, but France cannot overlook the possibility that this deficiency may, by one means or another, be made good. It is therefore essential to her that the discrepancy between French and German man-power should be made up .in such a way as to guarantee her soil from another devastating war. In Great Britain there is also grave cause for anxiety and discontent. Britain is a country which lives by Its exports, and its trade has been devastated as terribly as the soil of France. The consequences in human suffering and privation are very serious. Nearly two millions of the British working-class are unemployed, and their maintenance costs the country nearly £2,000,000 a week. This burden falls upon a community more heavily taxed than any other in the world and more hardly hit than France by the economic consequences of the war. The hard ordeal through which the British people are passing is not, however, peculiar to them. France is in some ways the most fortunately situated of European countries. Owing partly to the large proportion of her population which lives upon the land, partly to the stimulus given to internal production by the needs of her devastated area, and partly also to the fact that the arrested condition of emigration to extra-European countries affects her population much less than those which sent large numbers of emigrants oversea before the war, she is suffering less than others from unemployment and from the collapse of international trade. In Italy and Belgium, however, the unemployment is serious. Belgium is a food-importing country, dependent upon the European markets for 80 per cent of her export trade. Italy is also very dependent upon foreign trade, and has a greater population to employ than before the war. In Central, Eastern and South Eastern Europe the collapse and confusion of the normal processes of economic life are even more marked. Millions are living in conditions of bitter privation and misery. Even where inflation has given employment and good wages to the working-class, the relief is temporary and reaction certain, unless measures are taken in time. The educated and the professional classes are suffering more terrible even than the working-class. The civilization of Europe cannot long survive such conditions. In its present state it is moving fast towards social and economic catastrophe. Profoundly, therefore, as her own interest is engaged in the economic reconstruction of Europe, Great Britain appeals in no selfish spirit for the co-operation of France in that great human cause. It must be undertaken here and now. There is an awful aggravation of human misery, and in some parts of Europe an in- Genoa Conference creasing menace to civilization itself, in every month of delay. The problem before the countries is how to meet their respective necessities by common action. These must be met as a whole. Complete frankness between th,e statesmen of both countries is essential, if the problem is to be effectively solved. Great Britain fully recognizes France's ground for anxiety, but she cannot agree to postponing the question of the reconstruction of Europe, while meeting France's desires in regard to her reparations and her security. In order to give satisfaction to French needs, the British Government must be able to tell the British people that the two countries are marching together to restore the economic structure of Europe and the general prosperity of the world. With regard to reparations, His Majesty's Government are prepared to abide, so far as they are concerned, by the arrangement reached in London under which France would reap considerable advantages while Britain would make considerable sacrifices. They believe that this arrangement will meet the essential claims of France until such time as a wider financial settlement can be attained-perhaps in two or three years. With regard to the safety of France, Great Britain is prepared to give her a guarantee that in the event of unprovoked German aggression against French soil the British Empire will put its forces at her side. There will be double value in this guarantee, since it will not only safeguard France in the event of German attack but will make any such attack extremely improbable. It is not likely that Germany would have attacked in 1914, had she realized the great forces which the British Empire would throw into the war. In 1914 Germany credited Great Britain with only six divisions; she knew little or nothing of the character or the resources of the British Commonwealth. She is wiser now, for she knows that, instead of six divisions only, the British Empire was maintaining 400,000 men in the field in France by the end of the first year of war. These numbers rose rapidly afterwards, and during the last two years the Empire had a strength of 2,000,000 men in France and Flanders despite a heavy drain of casualties. Great Britain called out a total of nearly 7.000. 000 men for military service by land, sea and air. The self-governing Dominions called out more than one million and a half. The Indian Empire called out nearly the same. The total strength thrown by the British Empire into the war, was therefore over 10,000,000 men. The losses in killed, wounded and missing were 3.500.000. It is inconceivable that Germany should forget these facts or their significance as a guarantee of French soil. What the British Empire did once for civilization, it will, if need be, do again. Germany, it is true, has great reserves of trained officers and men; but those of the British Empire will be available as long as those which Germany preserves from the old military regime. If, therefore, she is certain that the British Empire will stand by France in a future' war, she will not be tempted to keep alive any dreams of revenge. It is of great importance to divert the German mind from any such ambitions as well as to provide for the defeat of those ambitions should they mature. The British Government believe that both objects would be met by a British guarantee to France against invasion of her soil, and that such a guarantee must ripen and strengthen the friendship of the two nations as years go on. There are two ways in which the guarantee could be given. The first is by means of an offensive and defensive alliance. Though such an alliance might seem desirable to France, it would in reality not serve her interests well, because such alliances are contrary to British tradition. The British people understand the claim of France to be guaranteed against invasion of her soil; but they would not willingly be committed to military liabilities for breaches of the peace elsewhere, 'and they would not undertake responsibility of any kind for the defence of countries in Eastern or Central Europe, in which their interest is necessarily small. An alliance involving, or even appearing to involve, any such responsibility would not carry the whole-hearted concurrence of the British people. On the contrary, it would be strongly opposed by large sections of the community in all parties, and would therefore not be as valuable to France as an understanding in another form. The second alternative is a definite guarantee that the British Empire would stand by her in the event of unprovoked aggression by Germany against French soil. This alternative was discussed at the Imperial Conference last summer, and it is probable that the opinion of the Empire would support that of Great Britain in giving such a guarantee to France. It would therefore have far greater weight, for it would, the British Government believes, carry with it the whole-hearted opinion, not of Great Britain alone, but of the Dominions, which put a million soldiers of first rank into the field during the war. The real danger to France is from German invasion. She cannot be invaded by any other Power. A guarantee against German invasion secures her safety beyond doubt. This, therefore, is the alternative which His Majesty's Government prefer to adopt. They propose the draft Treaty between Great Britain and France attached to this memorandum as the form of engagement best calculated to protect the common interests of both Powers in Western Europe. In order, however, that effect may be given to it, it is necessary that the guarantee should be accompanied by a complete Entente between the two countries. This was the basis of the agreement of 1904, which gave France the support of Great Britain in the war, and it is equally essential now. For such an Entente to be achieved, three questions must be cleared away. These need only be indicated here. The first is the settlement of the Eastern question and the attainment of a just peace between Greece and Turkey. The second is the question of Tangier. The third is the question of submarines. His Majesty's Government make no condition of this, and they fully understand that the divergencies of French and British views on the subject may be due to different ideas of the uses which submarines can serve. The British opinion, however, based on four years' war experience, is that submarines are effective only against merchant ships and are ineffectual otherwise as instruments either of attack or defence. British opinion would inevitably insist on a heavy programme of anti-submarine craft, if the French submarine programme were carried out, and the two countries would thus be launched in a course of competitive naval construction. The British Government cannot disguise the fact Genoa Conference



that any such development would react very seriously on British sentiment towards France. Her sea communications are to Britain what her eastern frontier is to France. Naval competition in any form between herself and France would corrode goodwill. The fourth and last essential to the proposed Entente is that France should co-operate wholeheartedly with Great Britain in the economic and financial reconstruction of Europe. The British Government desire the agreement of France to the immediate summoning of an Economic Conference at which all the Powers of Europe, including Rusia, would be represented. The economic collapse of Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe is now the most serious factor in the paralysis of European trade; and it cannot be remedied unless the produce and the markets of Russia are once more made available to the world. The presence of the real leaders of Russia is therefore necessary, in the opinion of the British Government, to the success of such a Conference. No useful object is served by discussing the Russian question with secondary representatives of Russia, or by forwarding conditions in writing to Moscow. It is most important to deal, if possible, with the heads of the Russian Government, and the Oon-' ference should be held as soon as possible at the most suitable centre for that purpose. In order to trade with Russia, certain assurances and guarantees are essential. Those may be briefly set forth here. The British Government would not propose to present them to the Russian Government in advance of a Conference, but to discuss them at the Conference itself in conjunction with the counter-proposals for recognition which they would undoubtedly call forth. In summary, they may be stated thus:- (1) Nations can claim no right to dictate to each other regarding the principles on which they are to regulate their system of ownership, internal economy and government. It is for every nation to choose for itself the system which it prefers in this respect. (2) Before, however, foreign capital can be made available to assist a country, foreign investors must be assured that their property and their rights will be respected, and the fruits of their enterprise secured to them. (3) The sense of security cannot be reestablished unless the Governments of countries desiring foreign credit freely undertake: (a) That they will recognise all public debts and obligations which have been or may be undertaken or guaranteed by the State, by municipalities or by other public bodies, as well as the obligation to restore or compensate all foreign interests for loss or damage caused to them when property has been confiscated or withheld. (b) That they will establish a legal and judicial system which sanctions and enforces commercial and other contracts with impartiality. (4) An adequate means of exchange must be available, and, generally, there must be financial and currency conditions which offer sufficient security for trade. (5) All nations should undertake to refrain from propaganda subversive of order and the established political system in other countries than their own. All countries should join in an undertaking to refrain from aggression against their neighbours. [Mr. Meckenzie King! These are the four questions of which His Majesty's Government particularly desire a solution in connexion with the Treaty which they propose. They have indicated them because they consider agreement upon them to be indipensable to that complete Entente between Great Britain and France which they desire to maintain. The time has passed when statesmen could pledge their countries to engagements without full regard to the popular sentiment which they represent. In order that the Treaty of Guarantee proposed should be of lasting value to France, it is essential that the democracies of the British Empire and the French Republic should feel assured that they are guided by similar purposes and harmonious ideals. All questions, therefore, should be cleared away which may be capable of dividing the sentiment of the two countries and marring their accord. His Majesty's Government are confident that the four questions which they have indicated here can be solved in a manner satisfactory to both Governments, and that the Treaty of Guarantee between the two nations may thus be sealed and confirmed by a complete and durable Entente. It is, moreover, their particular desire that this Entente between Great Britain and France, so far from excluding other nations, should form the basis of a larger scheme of international co-operation to ensure the peace and stability of Europe as a whole. The sixth clause of the stipulations put forward for discussion at the Economic Conference which they propose lays down a simple condition of international accord-"that all nations should join in an undertaking to refrain from aggression against their neighbours." Such an. undertaking they are willing to give and to promote by all means in their power. It would lead, as they hope, not only to a temporary improvement of European relations, but also to a universal reduction of armaments and this, in their belief, is the only certain, means of building up that sense of safety amongst nations, great and small, which Europe through the many centuries of its political history has never yet attained. Cannes. 9th January, 1922. . Draft of Treaty between the Governments of the British Empire and the French Republic. Whereas the soil of France has been twice invaded by Germany within living memory, and is still suffering deeply from the devastation wrought by the enemy; and Whereas the peoples both of France and of the British Empire have paid heavy toll of their manhood and their wealth in overcoming the German, armies of invasion and Whereas the welfare of the European peoples and the economic structure of the world have been profoundly disturbed by the protracted ordeal of war through which they have lately passed and Whereas guarantees of the security of France against any future invasion by Germany are indispensable to the restoration of European stability, the safely of Great Britain, and the peace of the world ; and Whereas the following safeguards contained in the Treaty of Versailles " Article 42. Germany is forbidden to maintain or construct any fortifications either on the left bank of the Rhine or on the right Genoa Conference bank to the west of a line drawn 50 kilo, to the east of the Rhine. " Article 43. In the area defined above the maintenance and assembly of armed forces, either permanently or temporarily, and military manoeuvres of any kind, as well as the upkeep of all permanent works for mobilisation are in the same way forbidden. " Article 44. In case Germany violates in any manner whatever the provisions of Articles 42 and 43, she shall be regarded as committing a hostile act against the Powers signatory of the present Treaty and as calculated to disturb the peace of the world," may not sufficiently provide for the defence of the essential common interests of the High Contracting Parties and the maintenance of peace in Western. Europe: His Britannic Majesty and the President of the French Republic having etc., etc., etc., have agreed as follows:- Article I In the event of direct and unprovoked aggression against the soil of France by Germany, Great Britain will immediately place herself at the side of France with her naval, military and air forces. Article II The High Contracting Parties reassert their common interests in Articles 42, 43, and 44 of the Treaty of Versailles, and will consult together, should any breach of them be threatened or any doubt arise as to their interpretation. Article III The High Contracting Parties undertake further to concert together in the event of any military, naval or air measures inconsistent with the Treaty of Versailles being taken by Germany. Article IV The present Treaty shall impose no obligations upon any of the Dominions of the British Empire unless and until it is approved by the Dominion concerned. Article V This Treaty shall remain in force for a period of ten years, and shall, if approved by both parties, be renewable at the end of that period.' Cannes. 13th January, 1922. i Resolutions Adopted by the Supreme Council at Cannes, January, 1922, as the Basis of the Genoa Conference. I.-Economic and Financial Conference. (a) Mr. Lloyd George's Resolution. The Supreme Council agreed at its meeting, held at 11 a.m. on Friday, the 6th January, 1922, to accept in principle the draft resolution proposed by Mr. Lloyd George in regard to an Economic Conference. The resolution was considered in detail at a further meeting of the Supreme Council held the same day at 3.30 p.m., and was finally approved as follows:- The Allied Powers in conference are unanimously of opinion that an Economic and Financial Conference should be summoned in February or early March, to which all the Powers of Europe, including Germany, Russia, Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria, should be invited to send representatives. They regard such a conference as an urgent and essential step towards the economic reconstruction of Central and Eastern Europe, and they are strongly of opinion that the Prime Ministers of every nation should, if possible, attend it in person in order that action may be taken as promptly as possible upon its recommendations. The Allied Powers consider that the resumption of international trade throughout Europe and the development of the resources of all countries are necessary to increase the volume of productive employment and to relieve the widespread suffering of the European peoples. A united effort by the stronger powers is necessary to remedy the paralysis of the European system. This effort must include the removal of all obstacles in the way of trade, the provision of substantial credits for the weaker countries and the co-operation of all nations in the restoration of normal prosperity. The Allied Powers consider that the fundamental conditions upon which alone this effort can be made with hope of success may be broadly stated as follows: 1. Nations can claim no right to dictate to each other regarding the principles on which they are to regulate their system of ownership, internal economy and government. It is for every nation to choose for itself the system which it prefers in this respect. 2. Before, however, foreign capital can be made available to assist a country, foreign investors must be assured that their property and their rights will be respected and the fruits of their enterprise secured to them. 3. The sense of security cannot be re-established unless the governments of countries desiring foreign credit freely undertake- (a) That they will recognize all public debts and obligations which have been or may be undertaken or guaranteed by the state, by municipalities, or by other public bodies, as well as the obligation to restore or compensate all foreign interests for loss or damage caused to them when property has been confiscated or withheld. (b) That they will establish a legal and juridical system which sanctions and enforces commercial and other contracts with impartiality. 4. An adequate means of exchange must be available, and, generally, there must be financial and currency conditions which offer sufficient security for trade. 5. All nations should undertake to refrain from propaganda subversive of order and the established political system in other countries than their own. 6. All countries should join in an undertaking to refrain from aggression against their neighbours. If in order to secure the conditions necessary for the development of trade in Russia the Russian Government demands official recognition, the Allied Powers will be prepared to accord such recognition only if the Russian Government accepts the foregoing stipulations. Ob) Place and Date of Conference. The Supreme Council agreed at its meeting, held at 11 a.m. on Friday, the 13th January,' 1922, that the Genoa Economic and Financial Conference should assemble on the 8th March 1922, subject to any later adjustment. (c) Invitation to Russia. The Supreme Council at its meeting held at 6.15 p.m. on Tuesday, the 10th January, 1922, agreed that an invitation should be addressed to Russia in the following terms: Genoa Conference



On behalf of the Supreme Council of the Allied Powers I have the honour to transmit to you a copy of a resolution passed by the Allied Powers in conference at Cannes on the 6th January, 1922. In accordance with this resolution and with reference to M. Chicherin's telegram, dated the 8th January, 1922, I hereby formally invite delegates from Russia to attend an Economic and Financial Conference to be opened at Genoa early in March, 1922. I shall be glad if you will inform me of the names of your delegates and their staff, and on receipt of this information and a statement of the route by which your delegates propose to travel I shall communicate with the interested governments and inform you of the arrangements made in order to afford them all necessary facilities and safe conduct. The Supreme Council, conscious that you recognize the importance which it attaches to the assurances nad guarantees which it has laid down as indispensable to the useful cooperation of the Allied Powers with Russia in the task of the economic and financial reconstruction of Europe, learns with satisfaction that you propose to send representatives with full powers to take decisions. (d) Invitation to the United States of America. At its meeting held at 3.30 p.m. on Friday, the 6th January, 1922, the Supreme Council agreed that an invitation to be represented at the conference should be addressed to the United States of America. (e) Invitations to othe,* Countries. The following lists show the countries to be invited to the Genoa Conference in accordance with the decision of the Supreme Council taken at its meeting held at 6.15 p.m. on Tuesday, the 10th January, 1922: I. The following countries to be entitled to appoint delegates without limit: 1. The Allied Powers represented at the Cannes Conference. 2. United States of America. 3. Germany. 4. Russia. II. The following countries to be entitled to appoint two delegates each: 5. The various dominions of the British Empire. 6. Spain. 7. Portugal. 8. Norway. 9. Sweden. 10. Denmark. 11. Finland. 12. Switzerland. 13. Esthonia. 14. Poland. 15. Czecho-Slovakia. 16. Latvia. 17. Austria. 18. Hungary. 19. Roumania. 20. Jugo-Slavia. 21. Greece. 22. Bulgaria. 23. Holland. III. The following country to be entitled to appoint one representative: 24. Luxemburg. (f) Outline Agenda. The following outline agenda was approved by the Supreme Council: 1. Examination of the methods of putting into practice the principles contained in the resolution reached at Cannes on the 6th January, 1922. 2. The establishment of European peace on a firm basis. 3. Essential conditions for re-establishment of confidence without injury to existing treaties. 4. Financial subjects. (a) Currencies. (b) Central banks and banks of issue. (c) Public finance in relation to reconstruction. (d) Exchanges. (e) Organization of public and private credit. 5. Economic and commercial subjects. (a) Facilities and guarantees for the import and export of commercial products. (b) Legal guarantees for the re-establishment of commerce. (c) Protection of industrial property and copyrights. (d) Status of consuls. (e) Admission and position of foreigners in regard to the conduct of business. (f) Technical assistance to industrial recon struction. 6. Transport. (g) Detailed Agenda and Resolutions. The .Supreme Council at its meeting held at 11 a.m. on Friday, the 13th January, 1922, appointed the following Committee to prepare the detailed agenda and draft resolutions for the Genoa Conference:- Belgium, Viscount Davignon. British Empire, Sir Maurice Hankey. France, M. Seydoux. Italy, Signor Jung. Japan, M. Tokugawa. (h) Press Notice. A Ministerial Committee issued to the press on the 11th January, 1922, a notice explaining the objects and proposed procedure of the Genoa Conference. This press notice is reproduced in the Appendix to this paper. II.-International Corporation (a) Resolution of the Supreme Council. The following is the text of a resolution passed by the Supreme Council at its meeting held at 6.15 p.m. on Tuesday, the 10th January, 1922 :- The Supreme Council approves the establishment of an International Corporation with affiliated National Corporations for the purpose of the economic reconstruction of Europe and the co-operation of aill nations in the restoration of normal prosperity, and agrees that a Committee shall be immediately constituted, composed of two British, two French, two Italian, two Belgian representatives and a Japanese representative, with power to add representatives of other countries :- (1) To examine the project in detail; (2) To conduct any necessary preliminary investigations ; (3) To proceed with the organisation of the proposed Corporation and affiliated Corporations with a view to its beginning operations at the earliest possible moment; (4) To report to the Genoa Conference on the progress made; (5) To make any recommendations to any of the Governments concerned or to the Genoa Conference which, in their view, are likely to assist the purposes of the Corporation or of the Genoa Conference. The Governments represented on the Council undertake to provide immediately in equal shares £10,000 for the work of the Organising Genoa Conference Committee, and to give all the support and assistance in their power to the Organising Committee and to the Corporation when formed, (b) Preliminary Meeting of the Organising Committee. The Supreme Council at its meeting held at 11 a.m. on Friday, >the 13th January, 1922, came to the following decision:- That a preliminary meeting of the Organising Committee of the International Corporation for the re-establishment of better economic conditions in Europe should be held in London in eight or ten days' time, invitations to be issued by the British representatives. The names of the representatives (Belgium, France, Italy and British Empire, two each, and Japan one) to be communicated to the British Secretary 2, Whitehall Gardens, London, S.W.l.


APPENDIX


Press Notice regarding the Genoa Conference. The Supreme Council have to-day agreed upon the subjects to be discussed at the Conference which is to be called at Genoa early in March, in order to facilitate the economic revival of Europe. General Objects and Conditions The published resolution of the Council of the 6th January explains the reasons which in the unanimous opinion of all the nations represented on the Council make necessary a united effort by all European countries to restore the economic life of Europe and to remove the obstacles which at present impede it, and the fundamental conditions of such a combined effort. These include the recognition by all countries of their public debts, 'and compensation for loss or damage caused by the action of Governments ; financial and currency conditions which offer reasonable security for trade and peace amongst nations. Among the essential objects of the Conference will be the consideration of the practical measures required to give effect to these principles, and in particular to secure, without injury to the provisions of existing treaties, the essential conditions for the re-establishment of confidence between nations without which international commerce cannot revive. Peace The first condition which is of prime importance in the reconstruction of Europe is to establish the relations of all the countries on the basis of a stable and enduring peace. Financial Subjects The Conference will also discuss the financial conditions which impede revival and the financial measures which might assist it, in particular the financial situation in the several countries in relation to the task of reconstruction: the rapid variation in the amount and purchasing power of the national currencies; the violent fluctuations in the relative value of the currencies of different countries as reflected in the exchanges, and the bearing upon these problems of the position and status of central banks and banks of issue. The Conference will examine the conditions under which public or private credit can best be made available for the work of reconstruction. Economic Subjects The obstacles to revival, however, are economic as well as financial. The Conference will therefore consider how the existing impediments to the free interchange of the products of different countries can be removed, in particular by the abolition, as rapidly and completely as possible, of such new impediments as have resulted from post-war conditions. The improvement and development of <the transport system will engage special attention ; and among other questions which might be usefully examined are the security afforded by the laws and by the legal systems and commercial documents in the different countries; the provision rof expert and technical assistance by countries specially qualified to give it; the position of consular officers; the protection of copyrights; and the regulations governing the admission of foreigners for the purpose of carrying on business. January 11, 1922.


CHIEF ELECTORAL OFFICER, REPORT

LIB

William Lyon Mackenzie King (Prime Minister; President of the Privy Council; Secretary of State for External Affairs)

Liberal

Mr. MACKENZIE KING:

I beg to lay on the table of the House a copy of the report of the Chief Electoral Officer. I move, seconded by Mr. Fielding;

That one thousand copies in English and five hundred, in French of the report of the Chief Electoral Officer, transmitted on March 1st 1922 to the hon. Speaker of the House of Commons, pursuant to Section 74 of the Dominion Elections Act, and laid on the table of this House on March 14th, 1922, be printed forthwith, and that Rule 74 be suspended in relation thereto.

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Motion agreed to.


April 11, 1922