other good will oome to all of us. It has been pointed out ibefore that the enrollment throughout Canada has been toy reason of inverse \ ratio to' the time during which people have inhabited this country. In other words, those who were newcomers enrolled in much greater numbers than those who had been old time settlers. And this is only natural. The man who has left Europe recently has not yet become attached to the soil of this country. He feels himself a stranger in Canada and he has always in mind the idea that the old country is his home. The opposite applies to the old settler. He has lost interest in all things across the ocean and looks upon Canada as his real and only country. But the same condition of mind exists still more deeply with the French Canadians for historical reasons. These historical reasons are not known by every one in this country. .If they were better known, our sentiments and ideals would be better understood. In the year 1763, when the Treaty of Quebec established English domination in this country, history teaches us, all those notole Frenchmen who had sufficient means to return to France made their exit from this country leaving behind the poorer classes of the population, whose numbers were a little over 60,000. These people considered themselves exiles, and English domination in those days of strife between France and England was looked upon with the same terror as we now look upon the dreaded Herman, domination. These .things may seem strange, tout hon. gentlemen who are listening to me now, and who are scholars, know very well that these facts as I state them are true. No French nobleman would stay in Canada to submit himself to the yoke of English domination. In speaking of English domination, I am not saying that the yoke of English domination was anything like the German domination, but that was the sentiment of the time. It was the same sentiment as that which existed at one time in England that Catholics should not have the same rights as Protestants', and it was. the same sentiment as that which existed in France at one period that Protestants should not have the same rights as Catholics. Fortunately, those times have passed, but we know that these sentiments of the French Canadians have their root in these facts of history.
If the French Canadians have attached themselves to the soil, if they made this country their home, having lost all hope of ever returning to France, I .hope no one will blame them for this, because it has
been, held in all countries of the world and through all ages that the immemorial tenure of land and of estates was the very foundation of nobility.
Now let us consider the case of the new settler from Britain. The man, perhaps, arrived from the Old 'Country, five, ten, or fifteen years ago and settled in this country. This man's family was in England, his ancestors were buried there, his recollections were of England, his lore is that of England, the better part of his heart very often had remained in England; and i* was only natural, on war being declared between Great Britain and Germany, that, forgetting at once that he was in a colony, he should flee back to England and take his place in the rank's of the British army. Such action was only natural, but how can you reasonably expect that the French Canadian whose ancestors had been domi-oiled in Canada for one hundred and fifty or two hundred years, who had no relations whatever in Europe, and had no interest there, should do the same thing? You could not reasonably expect it. Of course, in my remarks T am speaking entirely outside of tihe legal question, outside altogether of the question of the right to impose conscription and the obligations that devolve upon us thereunder. I am dealing solely with the question of sentiment, the force of which has been urged so many times in this House. So, for generation after generation, t'he French Canadian had lived here, his affections divided equally between love for his native village and love for the numerous members of his family for whom be had to care. He was taught to think, to believe, and to understand that Canada alone was his country, and-that in the event of war hi® obligations did not go beyond defending his native land; and we all know that this opinion was in conformity with the views held by many Englishmen, not only in Canada but in England as well.
It is recognized that this is the first time such an issue has ever been raised in Canada. If X am emphasizing the point so much it is because I see some of my hon. friend/s opposite smiling, but I am very serious in this matter. I argue that it could not be otherwise than for the French Canadian population of Canada to hold the views they do, bearing in mind the conditions under which they had lived here for one hundred and fifty years and more; and when people declare that the French Canadians are disloyal, that they are antiBritish, that they do not want the war to be won by the Allied nations, and all such kind of stuff, they must be either
ignorant of the conditions under which the French Canadians have lived-, or else they are acting in bad faith. When Canada was attacked, what did the French Canadians do? I have just stated that according to their conception of their duty it was imperative for them to defend Canada. Well, they defended Canada, and history stands as an unfaltering witness to testify that they did their duty. They were taught, and learned, that such was the limit of their duty, and I believe they were taught the truth according to the only possible true interpretation of our constitution.
Such, Mr. Speaker, was the state of things which existed when Confederation was ^brought about. The drafting of the Confederation pact left no doubt in the minds of the Canadian people that their military obligations were limited to the defence of this country, and if room had been left for doubt, the uncertainty would have long ago been dispelled by the teachings of Canadian public men during the last fifty years. What is Confederation?
It is nothing more or less than a contract between different provinces, just as a contract is made between individuals. The province of Quebec was not compelled to enter Confederation, but she did so, and I here declare to-night that we people of that . province are glad of the fact. We are not sorry that we entered Confederation, because we believe in the destinies of Canada, we believe that when these days of stress pass union will exist-not the Union Government, but a real union-between the two great races of this country once more, even if that union has been broken recently. I believe that by exerting our united efforts we can accomplish a lot for Canada; I believe we will achieve such results that in a very few years no one will be displeased, or will entertain sorrow, that Confederation ever existed. I speak from what I know of the sentiment in my own province, because that province entered as a partner into Confederation.
Taking the facts as they exist, under that compact the French Canadians have been taught for the last fifty years that they have nothing to do with wars in Europe. The man who came to this country from England, one, two, five, or ten years before the war, did not Understand that condition of things here. He was supposed to know that Confederation existed, but we can well imagine that he never troubled his head about the underlying principles. That man left England and came to a " colony," or at least came here with the idea that most Englishmen have, namely, that colonies,
being dependencies of the Old Country, must submit to everything that the Old Country demands of them. Of the ruling spirit which influenced Confederation they knew nothing. I am not blaming such Englishmen, I admire their patriotism, but how could it be expected that French Canadians could have the same mentality, the same point of view, as that which influenced the Englishman to leave Canada and return to England to fight on her behalf in this war?
Now let me refer to other events. About twenty years ago the South African war occurred, and lengthy discussions took place in Canada with regard to our contribution to it and the relatively small number of men who were sent on active service at that time. If I am not mistaken, Canada sent four thousand men to South Africa, but before a single so-ldier was despatched, it was declared in the House of Commons of Canada in a most authoritative way, in such a manner that no one could be mistaken, that the contribution of men which we were then making should not be considered as a precedent. Well, Sir, if so much care and trouble was taken to announce to the people of Canada that the despatch of that force to South Africa should not be considered as a precedent, it meant implicitly that Canada was not obliged to contribute men, and if we did contribute men it was because we wanted to render more cordial the good relations that existed between England and this country. So the people of the province of Quebec had another reason for believing that they were not compelled to participate in European wars.
But the newest, most amazing and most dissolving manifestation against out participation in foreign wats, was witnessed during the general elections of 1911 and the period which followed. In the province of Quebec, a new party called the Nationalist party was in the field. According to these men we owed England nothing, and in case of war ought not to furnish her one button for a uniform. They vehemently condemned the Laurier policy of a Canadian navy, to be [DOT]Canadian in time of peace but Imperial in time of war. They denounced with still greater vigour the policy of the hon. gentleman who is now Prime Minister. They denied allegiance to either of the two leaders whose policies they equally reproved. The result was that several Nationalist candidates were elected, and, immediately after, the Prime Minister whom they had de-