April 22, 1918

UNION

Frank Bainard Stacey

Unionist

Mr. STACEY:

I will tell you how they voted. It may be a little out of order, but the question has been asked, and if you will allow I shall answer it. They told me, before going to see them, that it was not much use for me to go there. They said: " Stacey, they are going to beat you by a hundred." " All right," I said, " I will go and see them anyway, I won't hurt them; I will go and see them and talk to them." I did so to the best of my humble ability. And, behold, Sir, when the Teturns came in the majority against me was not 100, but only 38. So, if we get more of them in the West, perhaps we shall have a somewhat similar result. Leaving all jokes aside- and I may be pardoned for speaking earnestly on this question, for I have a reason for doing so-I sincerely hope that no man on either side of the House will in the future utter what in his after moments he may be led to regret, and compelled to say before he goes to sleep at night: "I wish I had not said that."

Hon. C. J. DOHERTY (Minister of Justice); Mr. Speaker, I am sure we all realize that we have had an afternoon and evening which has added a great deal to our stock of information, at all events as regards the interest which is taken in this question of alien labour, more particularly of alien enemy labour, and the treatment of the alien enemy, by those who are represented by the hon. members who have spoken; and perhaps, most of all we have learned what a variety of opinion may be entertained with regard to this highly important subject. We have had suggestions that are valuable. We have had some that, perhaps, at first glance, look more catchy and attractive than they may prove to be practicable and feasible. But, upon the whole, I am satisfied that the Government will certainly be glad to give in all earnestness its serious consideration to the different views that have been put before us and to look at them, and into them, sympathetically, having before it the same purpose that, 1 am sure, has inspired the hon. members who brought these different resolutions before the House and those who, from one point of view or another, have spoken upon them.

I do not desire to detain the House at any length, but I do think that it :s worth while, in view of the apparent lack of knowledge on the part of quite a few hon. members who have spoken, of what has been done with Tegard to the control of the alien enemy in this country, that I should, for a few moments, point out some of the outstanding, leading and principal things that have been done in that connection. I venture to say that it is a mistake to assume that the Government since the outbreak of this war has been oblivious of the existence of the alien enemy in this country, and has been blind to the necessity of taking such steps and such measures in the way of precaution as circumstances might indicate to be necessary.

Let me recall to hon. members that at the outset of the war the Government took a position with regard to the presence of the alien enemy nationality within the country. We had an option at that time. It was open to us if we had thought, and those responsible for the Government of the United Kingdom and the general direction of the policy as towards foreign nations had thought, that it was in the interests of this country to seek to expel the persons of enemy alien nationality, I think it would have been quite within our right to take that course.

I think, too, that it would have been, and is to-day, within our right to intern the persons of enemy alien nationality within this country, more particularly, perhaps, those of them who being of military age and under obligation to do service according to the laws of their respective countries, might very properly he treated as persons that this State has an interest to see did not get away from this country and return possibly to perform those obligations towards their respective countries and take part in this war against us. Now, at the outset of this war, we took the position, not only that we would allow these people to remain within the country, but I might say at .the suggestion-and I might even say upon the insistence-of the authorities of the Mother Country we took the position that these people, those of them at all events who were of military age, should not be allowed to leave this country. And, taking that position, not only consenting that they should remain but actually preventing their departure, we felt bound, under these circumstances, so long as they violated no law' of this country, so long as they behaved themselves as good citizens within this country, to extend to them the protection of the law'. We announced that to them. We announced to them at the same time that those of them who by act or word show'ed a spirit of hostility to this country, or who did not conform to the laws of this country, would be interned. And large numbers were interned.

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UNION
UNION

Charles Joseph Doherty (Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada)

Unionist

Mr. DOHERTY:

Some of them for cause. Quite a number of them were interned more largely under the inspiration of the sentiment of compassion, if I may use the expression, than because of hostility. At that time, when the labour market was glutted and there was a natural disposition to give the preference in the matter of employment to our own people, thousands of these aliens were starving in some of our cities. There were thousands of them in Montreal, great numbers of them in Winnipeg, large numbers in Port Arthur. In many instances we interned these people because we felt that, saying to them, "You shall not leave the country,'' we were not entitled to say, "You shall starve within the country." However that may be, a considerable number for cause, and an additional number for the reasons which I have given, were interned, until at one time we had some seven or eight thousand interned aliens. So that we were not

oblivious of the existence of aliens in this country, nor absolutely inactive with regard to looking after them.

Very shortly after the outbreak of war we established a very general system of registration. We established registration offices in the places throughout the country where there were considerable numbers of persons of alien enemy nationality. We summoned them to register-at Montreal, Sydney, Toronto, Winnipeg and cities throughout the West; among them, I think, two cities of British Columbia. We called for a general registration of persons of alien enemy nationality, and that registration was very thorough and very complete. But there came a time when the persons of alien enemy nationality were registered, and when the work was completed there remained only the task of supervising the reporting of those who had registered. We found that with one or two exceptions the work could be done as effectively through the police officers in the different localities, and we did not feel justified in keeping up offices and large staffs wholly for the purpose of taking these reports. Up to the present day, by the police officers in different parts of the country, under the supervision and direction of the Chief Commissioner of Police, track is kept of the alien enemies. The member for North Simeoe (Mr. Currie) referred to the county of Waterloo as a place w'here there had been no registration office. It is quite true that we did not have a registration office there, but the Chief Commissioner of Dominion Police appointed a representative to gather the necessary information with regard to persons of alien enemy nationality in that district and to take proceedings wherever that might be necessary. People who are familiar with the conditions in that county will, perhaps, see why we did not consider it necessary to establish a registration office there. The great bulk of the people of alien enemy nationality within that county were not people such as you have to deal with in the western provinces, or in the cities of Montreal, Toronto, and other places-that is, recently arrived immigrants. They were, in large volume-the bulk of them, I think- people who had resided there for many years, who were located on farms, established there, known to everybody. The purpose of registration is to acquire information about people, and when you are dealing with an old, settled community, where information with regard to everybody is easily procurable, there is not the same need

to call for registration as there is when you are dealing with a floating or unknown population. However, whether we were mistaken in that, particular-

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UNION

John Allister Currie

Unionist

Mr. CURRIE:

Were there not many alien enemies in Waterloo of recent arrival? I understand that about twenty-five per cent of them had come to the country only within the last ten or fifteen years. I agree that a large number of them were old-timers, but were those registered who were of recent arrival?

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UNION

Charles Joseph Doherty (Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada)

Unionist

Mr. DOHERTY:

We did not establish a registration office in that particular county, hut we did establish a system by which we were able to keep track of the alien enemy population there, just as throughout the rest of the country. It is well that we should have the suggestions which hon. gentlemen have thrown out as to what we might do that might be better; on the other hand, it is well also that hon. members should know that we have not been absolutely doing nothing, waiting to hear from them this evening.

Not only did we have that system of registration and of internment, but we had a very effective system by which the incoming and the out-going of the alien enemy was controlled. This was done under the direction also of the Dominion police, and largely through the instrumentality of the immigration officers. The coming and going was very closely watched and very effectively controlled. I must render testimony to the work of Sir Percy Sherwood. Ever since the war broke out he has maintained a most careful supervision over the action of alien enemies in this country. Reports were received from all quarters in the early stages of the war- in much greater number than they are received to-day-embodying suggestions of groups here and individuals there who were reported as being dangerous. All these suggestions were gone into and run to the ground, even in cases where on the face of them they appeared to be futile. The greatest possible care was taken. At the outset of the war, when we were apprehensive of trouble from the alien enemy resident in the United States-that country then being at peace-we had a most effective system of ascertaining what was going on there, and complete reports were received. That system, of course, is better when carried out quietly. As some evidence that we were not entirely idle, may I not say this: we are in the fourth year of the war; what have we had in the way of outrage or crime or violence from

the alien of enemy nationality? When this war broke out, I was very apprehensive on this subject, and so was tSir Percy Sherwood who set to work to make plans to guard against such occurrences. It goes to show probably that jur apprehensions were exaggerated; it goes to show that some of the fears expressed here tonight of what the alien enemy might do were exaggerated, but if also goes to show that effective methods to keep in touch with what was going on must have been resorted to. Strong testimony that there was somewhere an eye that was watching and a hand that was controlling is to be found in the fact that we have gone as far as we have, and that with this large population of alien enemy nationality, we have had so little of crime, of violence, proceeding from them in this country.

There are just two other subjects with regard to which I should like to say something. There is the question of our conscripting, or compelling to join in our military operations, persons of allied nationality residing in this country. That is a matter on which we have not been idle. Just after the conscription law was passed, following out a suggestion that had 'been made before it was passed and which, at that time, did not seem feasible;, we took steps to make provision, and there is presently a law in force in this country, enacted by Order in Council, under which, if . our allies were ready to take their men home, we provided the necessary machinery for rounding the men up and delivering them to their respective countries. That was passed at the instance of the Italian Consul, the French Consul, the Belgian Consul; and it was passed because we did not want to wait for a treaty. As hon. members all know, we are not in a position to make treaties directly. Everybody knows the slowness of diplomatic action. To; get in advance of the treaties, we passed this law at that time in the full expectation that those respective Governments would be in a position to avail themselves of it. Our part is all ready, and we are ready to carry it out. What happened, unfortunately, was that the respective Governments were not able to find transportation for their men. The trouble is not for lack of our being ready to do our part. Shortage of transportation is the only reason why those have not .'been sent home to join the forces of their respective countries.

As to our conscripting them, that is something we cannot do until the treaties are carried out, and the treaties have to be negotiated and finally executed through

the home authorities. As hon. members know, an agreement Ijias (been come to *with the United (States, lit is delayed awaiting the action of the United States Senate. There is no means by which we can hurry it. We have done the best within our power to press it As regards the treaties with France, Italy and Belgium, the British Government has, I understand, entered into treaties with those countries with regard to the people of those countries within the United Kingdom. They communicated with us some months ago, and we replied asking them to see that the treaty was so extended as to enable us to conscript the men of those nations within this country. I, myself, personally, on more than one occasion have cabled and written pressing for action upon the subject. I am not saying that by way of criticism of the authorities in the Old Country. Doubtless they have many things to attend to at the present moment. I mention the matter only for the purpose of bringing home to hon. members the fact that we are just as anxious as they can be to get that system into operation.

Just one more word upon the subject of how we can deal with the person of alien enemy nationality in the Hvay of compelling him to work. It has been said that we can intern him. Yes, we oan. It has been said that we we can make him register. Yes, we can. We have made him register and we have interned1 him, in the measure which it seemed to us useful to do it. I may say, before I leave the subject of internment, that when we had seven or eight thousand of those people interned, it was costing this country something over $1,500,000 a year. We found that the sentiment of every man who came into contact with the Austrian who was interned' was that he was absolutely not dangerous.

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UNION
UNION

Charles Joseph Doherty (Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada)

Unionist

Mr. DOHERTY:

I shall get the exact

information.

(Mr. CURRIE: It was an Austrian officer who led that outbreak.

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?

Mr DOHERTY:

The hon. member may be better informed than I am. Let us concede for a moment that one or two of them are dangerous. When I speak of the Austrian, I am speaking of the bulk of the people of that nationality. Although there was a glut in the labour market, conditions changed until there was, in this

country, a crying need for labour; we had people from* all parts of the country, as loyal people as we are ourselves, asking for the labour of those men, and we discharged them and allowed them to go out where they found employment. We felt it our duty then, in fairness to the working people of this country, to stipulate that these men should be paid the ordinary wage, and we also felt it our duty to stipulate, and we did stipulate, that they should not be employed where our own people were available for employment. It is over a year ago since these men have gone out, and we have had no word of complaint as to their conduct subsequent to their going. To-day our interned prisoners number from two to three thousand, and these are for the most part Germans; I regret that I cannot say anything like the same thing about them as I said about the bulk of our interned Austrians.

One hon. gentleman has spoken of these interned people in British Columbia as living on the fat of the land. I would be glad to show the hon. gentleman just how much it costs to feed these people in these internment camps, but I do not propose to say it here and let it go out to the public, because I do not want a despatch from Germany complaining that these men are not being properly fed. They are being properly fed. But if there is one thing of which we can speak with some pride it is the system by which this has been carried out and the results we have been able to obtain in the way of economy, while still treating these men in a way which leave us open to no complaint.

I just want to say one word on the subject of our compelling them to work. A good deal has been said about international law and there has been a good deal of contempt expressed for too great an anxiety to adhere to international law. I would like to point this out. Tn dealing with these people we are not dealing with prisoners of war, to which the citations from the Hague Convention referred which were made by the hon. member for North Sim-coe (Air. Currie). We are dealing, not with people captured in an act of nostility towards this country, but with people who came to this country peaceably, and who happened to be found in this country when war broke out. We had the right, and might have said to them, "Go away. We do not want you here." But, when we told them they could stay here, when we left them free to stay here, it became our duty, so long as they were guilty of no hostile

act or deed and so long as we had no reason to suspect their readiness' to obey the law, to treat them not as enemies but as people whom -we have been willing to keep within our gates. That did not deprive us of our right to intern them if in any particular case there was ground for suspicion of their conduct; nor even if at a certain stage we had reached the conclusion that all of them were dangerous, did it prevent us from interning them all. It is open to us if we think it wise to intern them. When we did intern them, unless we are going to depart from the very well settled rule of international law, which I may say the United Kingdom has not seen fit to depart from, we have no right to compel them to work. The hon. member for North Simcoe read certain citations from The Hague Convention with regard to prisoners of war, and there is no doubt that he cited them correctly. If we were dealing with prisoners of war, with soldiers taken in performance of their duty as soldiers, and made prisoners of war, all those rules would apply to them, and there is no doubt that we have the right to compel men so taken to labour if we pay them the ordinary wage of a soldier. But the situation is absolutely different when, you are dealing with civilian residents of this country, whom this country may find it necessary to intern by reason of the apprehension even of their being dangerous; you are not then dealing with a prisoner of war.

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UNION

John Allister Currie

Unionist

Mr. CURRIE:

The extracts I read dealt with the rules governing alien enemies.

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UNION

Charles Joseph Doherty (Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada)

Unionist

Mr. DOHERTY:

If I understood the

citations, the hon. gentleman was reading extracts with reference to prisoners resident in an alien enemy country.

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UNION

John Allister Currie

Unionist

Mr. CURRIE:

It referred to clause 5. I read the whole thing.

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UNION

Charles Joseph Doherty (Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada)

Unionist

Mr. DOHERTY:

The hon. gentleman

may have understood it differently from what I did, but I would suggest to him that if be will read over the rules of the Hague Convention carefully he will see that what those specific rules have in contemplation is the 6oldier prisoner of war, and they all indicate it; those rules state specifically that you must feed your prisoner of war the same as you feed your own soldiers.

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UNION

John Allister Currie

Unionist

Mr. CURRIE:

Will the minister direct

me to the clauses of the Hague Convention dealing with those who are not soldiers?

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UNION

Charles Joseph Doherty (Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada)

Unionist

Mr. DOHERTY:

I quite agree with the hon. gentleman that there is no clause in the Hague Convention dealing with civilian prisoners at all. We have to fall back upon the accepted rule of international law, that you may deal with civilian prisoners in the manner which I have indicated. You may say to him, " You shall not stay in the country." Or you may let him stay in the country if you choose, and if you let him stay in the country you are not entitled to punish for being a prisoner of enemy nationality. You may intern him for your protection, that is your right, but when you do that, and cut him off from the means of earning his livelihood, you have to give him his bread and butter and his clothes, and you cannot compel him to labour, as you can compel the soldier prisoner of war under the rules- of the Hague Convention.

I may state that we have had repeated remonstrances from Germany through the United States consuls charging us with subjecting these men to compulsory labour, and the answer we sent back-and, of course, it was the truthful answer-was that we were not compelling them to labour, their labour was voluntary. We did not feel in a position to question the doctrine laid down by Germany that these sections of the Hague Convention did not apply to civilian prisoners; we acquiesced in that view and Great Britain acquiesced in that view.

It might be interesting to the House to learn what they do in Great Britain in regard to compulsory labour. We have heard a good deal about what Germany does, but I am quite sure that hon. gentlemen do not intend to hold Germany up to us as the model that we should follow. I fully appreciate the absolutely natural feeling of irritation that we all share when we see the advantage that is resulting to these people from the fact that our own young men have gone forth to do their duty and fight. But, after all, is it not a part of our duty to control our feelings? Is not one of the things that we want to preserve through this war the reputation which we have been given to boasting of-too much, perhaps-the reputation for the spirit of fair play under all circumstances. I would rather point to the model of Great Britain, and I do not think Great Britain is treating these interned men in any spirit of mawkish sentimentality or because she wants to be ethical with an unmoral people, as one hon. gentleman said this afternoon. She is doing this, no doubt, in recognition of her international law obligations, and also under the direct menace of Germany that otherwise there would be reprisals and it would be worse for us.

It is all very well to say that our men over there cannot be treated any worse than they are. I do not want to extenuate many instances of ill-treatment that have come to our knowledge, but I do know this: that for the long period of time before the United States came into this war we had the advantage of having the German internment camps inspected by the United States consular officers in that country, just as those same officers inspected the camps in this country and reported to Germany. I must say that the reports were on the whole favourable. There were instances where there was ground for complaint and in some of those instances the complaint was listened to and conditions remedied. It is all very well for us sitting at home here to say: " Oh, we don't care. We are mad with the alien enemy here; let us get after him. They cannot treat our boys any worse than they are already treating them." But it is our boys over there who will have to bear the brunt of it. I am a stickler for international law, but I must confess that that argument appeals to me in the strongest possible way. I hold in my hand a despatch from London, dated March 5, 1918, telling how they treat these men in England. It is as follows:

Downing Street, March 5, 1918.

My Lord Duke,-

I have the honour to transmit to Your Excellency, for the information of your Ministers, a copy of a memorandum which has -been prepared at the Home Office as to the procedure followed in the United Kingdom with regard to the internment and treatment of enemy aliens. This information has been furnished in reply to an enquiry made by the Government of New Zealand, and it is considered that a statement of the policy of His Majesty's Government in regard to these matters might be of interest to your Ministers.

2. In connection with the memorandum I should explain that interned enemy subjects are not compelled to work. A number of them work as volunteers for wages, both inside the camps on such industries as can be organized with advantage, and also outside the camps, in quarrying, roadmaking, farm work and reclamation of land. Some hundreds of interned civilians in addition have volunteered for the special working camps, where they are employed in timber-cutting and constructional and other labouring work. Besides these, between 1,500 and 2,000 have on their own application been sent out to employers on license from the camps, either singly or in small groups, for employment in farm work or industries of national importance. In every case the work is undertaken voluntarily, and the alien is at liberty to give it up and go back to the camp from which he came if he so desires.

3. As regards male enemy subjects who are exempted from internment or, in the case of those above military age, from repatriation, it was decided early last year that all these, if

physically fit, must do work of national utility as a condition of retaining their exemptions, and measures have since been taken through the Ministry of National Service and the Employment Exohanges to place them in suitable occupations. Here again, however, there is no absolute compulsion ; the alien, if unwilling to undertake the work offered him, has always the option, if of military age, of going to an internment camp, or if above military age, of being repatriated; and in no case is an alien enemy required, as a condition of retaining his exemption from internment or repatriation, to undertake work on munitions or other work of such a kind.

I have the honour to be,

My Lord Duke,

Your Grace's most obedient, humble servant,

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WALTER H. LONG.


Governor General His Excellency THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE, K.G., G.C.M.G., G.C.V.O., Etc., Etc., Etc. The great point that I want to bring out is the absolute recognition by Great Britain that work of that kind is voluntary. Now Great Britain is a better country for us to go to for an example as to treatment of persons of enemy alien nationality. Great Britain does not require these persons to work unless she sees good reason for it, and I call attention to the words employed in the despatch which this is described " as the policy of His Majesty's Government in regard to these matters ". We must also keep in mind that we are not an absolutely independent nation, that the United Kingdom is the nation with which other countries deal, and that it would be becoming and proper that we should give some thought to the policy of the United Kingdom upon a matter of this sort. Because it must be remembered that reprisals will not fall on the Canadian alone; they will also be inflicted on the British subject from wherever he has come. So that I think that in so far as it is suggested that we should adopt a policy of compulsory labour to be imposed on the person ofenemy alien nationality, there is verygood ground at all events for us to pause before we decide upon it. Do we want to put ourselves outside the pale of the law? Do we want to put ourselves outside the pale because Germany is there? Do wewant to be in the same class with Germany, or would we rather stand within the pale, and so standing be in the company of the Mother Country? But when you get down to the practical question, as one hon. gentleman from Winnipeg said here this evening, how are you going to make men work? You can lead a horse to water, but you cannot make him drink. What will be the result of your law if the alien does not want to work? You will have to send him to jail, or possibly intern him. Which is the best for this country, to have these persons of alien enemy nationality living in internment camps at the expense of the country at a time when there is a great call for labour here, or to have them working on productive labour which is to the advantage of Canada and supporting themselves, even if they get large, wages? Of course, we may so control or arrange matters that we may see to it that these people do not unduly profit to the detriment of our own people; but upon the abstract question of conscripting the labour of persons of enemy alien nationality and making them work, while it sounds very satisfactory, yet when you come to carry out the idea and send them, out to work, what kind of a day's work will you get from men of that kind? Surely it would not be suggested that we should send a slave driver out with the alien armed with a whip to keep him working; and, short of doing that, what course can you pursue? You can either, as I have already stated, send them to jail or you can intern them. I do not say but that perhaps I would be anxious, just as anxious as any hon. member, to find some equitable and practical method1 by which everybody in this country, including this particular class, should be compelled to contribute to the support of our effort by taxation or by some other means. I think I can safely say, speaking for myself, and I think perhaps I am also safe in saying I can speak for the Government, that the different suggestions thrown out this afternoon will certainly have careful consideration. More than that they are the very things that are filling our own minds all the time, because we are seeking to discover methods that will properly and effectively deal with this exceedingly difficult question. I have occupied a longer time than I intended when I rose, but I did think it worth while to remind those who knew it before, and to inform those who perhaps were not aware of it, of what has been done with regard' to this matter, and of the very serious questions that arise in connection, at all events with one of the suggested remedies. Now there can be no objection to the motion passing, because it suggests only a consolidation of existing laws. There may be advantages in that, and there certainly cannot be any evil results from it. I would rather hope that good will flow from the discussion which we have had, inasmuch as it has furnished us with many suggestions that I believe will give room for profitable thought.


L LIB

Daniel Duncan McKenzie

Laurier Liberal

Mr. D. D. McKENZIE (Cape Breton North and Victoria):

Mr. Speaker, I desire only to detain the House for a very few moments in connection with this resolution. It is mot very clear to me as a lawyer what is intended by the motion of the hon. member for Comox-Alberni (Mr. Clements'. The only law that I am familiar with in connection with alien labour is the Alien Labour Act, and if that is the law that the hon. member wants to consolidate, its consolidation will not .be effected by Order in Council. If there are other alien., labour laws which required consolidation, or which should be consolidated, I am not familiar with them and the hom. gentleman did not allude to them. The resolution is a somewhat broad proposition, and having listened with the greatest attention to the hon. gentleman's remarks, I am forced to the conclusion that he had in his travelling bag a great many things that had very little relation to the subject. I cannot for the life of me see the connection, for instance, between this resolution and the conscripting of labour in the province of Quebec. It would simply appear to me that the hon. gentleman was making a stool-pigeon of the resolution with a view to having a fling at that province.

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UNION

John Allister Currie

Unionist

Mr. CURRIE:

The hon. gentleman was

probably not in the House when Mr. Speaker announced that it had been decided to discuss all the resolutions on the Order Paper bearing on the subject at the same time as the motion standing in the name of the hon. member for Comox-Alberni (Mr. Clements). ,

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L LIB

Daniel Duncan McKenzie

Laurier Liberal

Mr. McKENZIE:

I have been for quite

a number of years in this House with the hon. member for Comox-Alberni, and I have always found him to have enough to do in dealing with his own little affairs in his own way. I must remain convinced that my mind is still strong enough to persuade me that the hon. member was dealing entirely with his own resolution, and with what was in his own mind when the Speaker gave a wider scope to the discussion. And what I have stated was what he undoubtedly had in mind himself. However, before going any further into the matter, let me say that my mind is so constructed that I find it difficult not to criticize a man who is doing something that is not consistent with his history and with his career, and

who does not seem to be straight and honest and open. If there is anything in the world that the member from British Columbia should keep mum on it is the question of labour, the question of aliens, and the question of colour and race and creed in respect to labour matters. I remember well when I sat behind the Government in this House up to the time of the change of Administration in 1911, that we heard a great deal from the Pacific province about a "white British Columbia." I remember it well, and I have with me the Hansard containing a report of a discussion in the early paTt of January, 1908, when the famous telegram of whether the Conservatives were for a white British Columbia, or were absolutely opposed to anything in the colour line, was sent.

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UNION

April 22, 1918