rear. That description of the wonderful way in which every part of that machinery worked, just like one well oiled machine, could not help but grip one, so to apeak, with the efficiency of the organization. The thought that struck me was that we have so far failed to carry our supporting lines back far enough; and I say to you, Sir, and to this House, that those supporting lines will not be carried back far enough until they are extended to the most remote farm, mine and factory in the farthest comer of Canada. We must organize our man-power if we are going to be successful in carrying on the war. I believe that we are all fairly well agreed in regard to that. It is, however, when they come to the question of methods, and the manner in which we are to attain the object aimed at that there seems to be a fairly wide divergence of opinion. There are those-such for example as the hon. gentleman who moved this resolution, if I understood him aright -who would introduce a complete measure -c -entire ma.n-nower of this country. There are others, as per example the hon. member who seconded the resolution, if I correctly gathered the purport of his arguments, who would confine that system to the aliens of this country. There are others again, and I have met a good many of them, who will say to you: Heave the situation just as it is. Let the labour problem work itself out. Give each individual the right to work where he likes, and to do what he likes, and to work or not, as he pleases. I am not in accord with either of these three. I will include the question of the conscription of all working men, and the conscription of aliens under one head for the purpose of making a few remarks on that phase of the subject. I do not believe that it is practicable to conscript any class of working men, and dn the last analysis it is practicability that we want, what we require to secure from the men of this country is one hundred per cent of efficiency in man power, whether they are aliens or whether they are Canadians, let me repeat again: I do not believe that it is practicable to conscript men in the manner in which you would conscript an army, put them to work in groups and get efficiency out of them. I may be asked, if you can conscript men for one service, why can you not conscript them for another service? For instance if you can say to one man, your duty is to don khaki, shoulder a rifle and go to the front, why cannot you say to another man, your duty is to don overalls, take a monkey
wrench and hammer and go to work in a machine shop. The answer I give to that is simply the conditions of service. In one case you have an army of men, every single one of whom is engaged in the same business, working under the same environment and under the same discipline, and with the age-long traditions of the army to back them up. On the other hand you have a group of civilians-an army of civilians if you will permit me to- use the term-engaged in a multitude of different classes and kinds of employment, from the janitor in the apartment house to the high salaried official in some of our large industrial .and financial institutions, each one working in his own way; and if we are going to be successful in connection with these organizations and industries the element of personal initiative and adaptability is the one thing that is going to mean success. So that on the ground of practicability, I say to you that the conscription of men for industrial pursuits is, to my mind, simply /-*P +Vtr* nimetiAn T am snpalcincr one who had something to do with the labour problem, in one form or another, during the whole of my life. I appreciate very much what one of the hon. gentlemen who spoke this afternoon said with regard to the aims .and desires of the Great WaT Veterans Association, but in the last anaiy-sis I believe that the representations that have been made by that association, and the position they have taken with regard to this question, is very much the same as that taken by any of the rest of us, who may have a heart interest in this war through the fact that some near relative is at present engaged in it. But after all, the view we take from that standpoint is purely sentimental, and you cannot deal with a subject such as this on sentimental grounds. It would be very nice indeed if we could .accept and gratify all the sentimental desires of those who have relatives at the front, or of the men who have returned from the front, What we want to do is to find some means by which we can in the best way possible, support these men at the front. It is not as I said, after all, a matter of sentiment; it is a matter of finding some means by which we can, if possible, get 100 per cent efficiency out of the working men of this country and put every man to work in some useful form of employment.
'That leads me to a brief consideration of the Order in Council that was laid on the table of this . House by the right hon. the Prime Minister (Sir Robert Borden)
on the 5th of this month. I am not going to criticise what has been done; nor do I wish to anticipate anything that may yet be contemplated in that regard. With the main principle embodied in that Order in Council I am in full and complete accord.
I believe that the time has come when every able-bodied man in this country must go to work without regard to where it is or who he is. He must become engaged in some useful form of employment. It may be said that this does not harmonize with the view that I have already expressed. You cannot conscript men. The idea of conscripting a man in the form in which you ordinarily conscript men and the idea of saying to a man: You must get into some useful form of employment, leaving it in the latter case to the individual to voluntarily find any employment he sees fit to choose, are absolutely and entirely different matters.
As I have said. I am in full accord with the main principle of the Order in Council laid on the table of the House by the Prime Minister. But, Sir, it seems to me that the Order in Council, in at least one or two particulars, does not go far enough. The first to which I would refer is that relating to strikes. If I can read the Order in Council aright, there is a clause in it that leaves the door -wide open to any group of men to strike if they wish and also leaves the door wide open to any wooden-headed employer who wishes to enforce conditions which would cause his men to strike and to force a tie up of his business. In war time I believe such a Situation as that 5 p.m. to be utterly illogical. Are we, or are we not, in earnest in connection with this whole subject? The question is: Are we determined to throw the whole weight of this country's power behind our men at the front? We have sent overseas almost'400,000 men, possibly more; I have not the figures, but (that is neither here nor there. Every one of these men who volunteered went with the whole force of this country behind him as expressed by this Parliament. Every man -who has gone there, or who may go as a conscript, has behind him the definite pledge of the great majority of the people of this country that they are going to support him to the last. What then would be the result if with all of these men over in France, the locomotive engineers on the Canadian railways, on the first of September next, should decide to tie up our transportation system? What would happen to our men at the front? If I am properly informed there is at this moment-or if there is not at this
moment, there was a short time ago a strike on in Nova Scotia in one or two of the most vital industries of this country in so far as our war effort is concerned.
Subtopic: MOTIONS ON ORDER PAPER BY MR.
Sub-subtopic: ODEMENTS, MR. W. F. MACLEAN, AND MR. G. B. NICHOLSON DISCUSSED JOINTLY.