'[DOT]the opportunity of a mandate and to the tact of there being danger of decreasing the man-power in the country. The stability of a nation depends upon the fairness, the force, the vigour and the strength, the convincing manner, in which its affairs are administered. To quote the Munitions Board once again, there is not a murmur except from the politicians who have been unable to exercise any influence with the Munitions Board, and the reason they complain is, not because they wished to do anything improper, but because sundry of their constituents kept shoving them and urging them over and over again, asking them to exercise their influence, and they have found that it could not be done. In that way Sir Joseph Flavelle has established the confidence of the people, and also has shown conclusively that, as an organizer in that most difficult and nebulous part of our industry, namely the making of munitions, a thing we never did before, he is a past-master.
Let some man, then, be put in charge of agriculture; let another man be put in charge of food; let another man be put in charge of man-power; let another man be put in charge of a fair distribution of taxes, throwing all the resources of the country into the general pot, and not asking the working classes to hand over the men and the taxes both and do all the work-which they certainly will not do, and we in fairness should not expect them to do-and when we have organized, and when we have obtained, toy moving rapidly, the mandate of the people, then, when we are com scious of onr strength, the minority must give way. Then the Nationalists and all the other kickers will -have to subside, and we shall hear no more of them. This course will not only have the effect of enabling us to assist in the war, but it will also have a splendid effect upon Canada for all time to come.
Mr. GEORGE MoCRANEY (Saskatoon): Mr. Speaker, after a number of leading members of this House have dealt with this question, we have the experience which always occurs, that those who follow up repeat many of the arguments that have been used, and their contribution very often is only that they have given expression to views which have already been pronounced. I do not know that I can present to the House at this hour anything that is striking, but the fact that I have views on the question that is before us is the apology which I make for taking up the time of the House.
What are the responsibilities which we owe to 300,000 men who are now in England, France and Flanders, in the King's uniform, under authority of this Parliament? We shall answer the question pretty much in the views we hold as to the relation which the citizen hears to the state. Some of us hold the view that the relations are reciprocal, that the citizen who is damaged in his person, in his right, or in his property, has a right to the protection of the state, and also that when the state is in danger, the state lias a right to call upon the citizen for his property and for his person in its defence. There is another point of view which is put forward. It is that the state must protect individuals and minorities, in their persons, their rights and properties, tout that when the state is in jeopardy it is optional on the part of the citizen whether he shall serve it or not.
In this latter view military necessity plays no part. The only contingency under which the state might call upon the citizen is that our country should toe invaded and all the horrors of an alien army be in our midst. To our forces in France and Flanders it denies all help except voluntary aid. If that view -prevails, with the failure of recruiting efforts our men at the front are left to dwindle in numbers, to be discouraged in spirit, with .companies growing smaller, and with final abandonment by our people. There are those who hold against conscription on principle. They have held that view for a number of years. If the last three years, with all its events, and the changes in opinion which the events have brought, have made no change in thejr point of view on such a principle as this, there is no tragedy which can happen between now and the end of the war that would change their minds.