the truth known may be represented on the board of investigators. In the first place, the parties who have preferred the complaint will be asked to name their representative, the parties complained against will be asked to name their representative, and these two ^ representatives, chosen in this fashion, will be called upon to choose as the chairman of the Board of Investigation, a judge of some court. In the event of either of the parties failing to name an individual member of the board, or in event of the two members failing to agree upon a judge as chairman, then the government will make the appointment of the person needed to complete the board. In this way it is hoped to fashion a board of investigation composed of experts from both sides, who will have the power to- examine into all facts having a bearing on the case, and to make their report. The essential feature of this measure is that it provides this means of getting at the truth before giving publicity to the facts, it has an important industrial and social bearing, its machinery is simple, and it has been constructed with a view to being absolutely fair and impartial to both sides. ***** fs a result of an investigation by one of these boards, it is shown that a combination exists and has operated in a manner adverse to the public interest, the measure provides certain remedies which may ,apPliedi and I think it can be shown - "hat by the machinery provided by this legislation any limitations or defects which are to be found in the law as it stands today will be supplemented or rectified.
It is now desirable to briefly outline the place which this legislation holds in the scheme of legislation already devised by this parliament to deal with the evil or possible evil which this measure seeks to remedy. This will occasion a brief historical retrospect. In the speech from the throne it was stated that the legislation to be introduced was to render more effective existing legislation. If we omit such legislation as has to do with the control of railway rates or the like, and confine ourselves to that which has been aimed more particularly at combines, trusts, etc., this legislation will be found to be embraced in sections 496, 497 and 498 of the Criminal Code. These sections embody the legislation enacted originally in this parliament in 1889 for the prevention and suppression of combinations formed in restraint of trade. The next legislation is the combines clause in the Customs Tariff Act, assented to on June 29, 1887, as
amended by an act respecting the duties of customs of 1907, 6-7 Edward VII., Chap 11, assented to on April 12, 1907; and lastly, there is an Act to amend the Inland Revenue Act, 4 Edward VII., Chapter 17, assented to August 10, 1904.
Many members of this House will re-Mr. KING.
member the interest taken by the late Mr.. Clarke Wallace in the subject of trusts and combines. When he was a member of this House he brought the question up, and at his instance a select committee of the House of Commons was appointed to take evidence on the question and to examine into the need of legislation on the subject. That committee did its work in a very effective and thorough manner. I think Mr. Wallace was the chairman of the committee, and great credit is due to him for the exceptionally able and thorough way in which the inquiry was conducted. A large number of witnesses were called and examined, and a report, a copy of which I hold in my hand, of between 700 and 800 pages, was presented to the House. The interesting feature of that report is that although the committee sat for only two and a half months, they were able during that short time, to disclose to the country the existence of some thirteen different combines. I will not read what the report has to say, but hon. members will find it worth their while to peruse this report and to see just what the results of investigation in this way are likely to'be. No stronger evidence in support of the measure which the government is bringing down at the present time could be had than is. to be found in this very report. After all, the essential work of that select committee was investigation. In their report the committee were able to put out something pretty substantial. Not only that, but an examination of the report will show that while the committee were at work, some combinations which were believed to be operating to the detriment of consumers in this country ceased their operations to avoid the publicity which an examination before that committee would entail. It was also shown by Mr. Wallace, when he spoke on the subject in the House the following year, that a combine which had existed during the time the inquiry was taking place, as a consequence-of the publicity givefl through that inquiry, ceased to keep up its prices unduly. If we refer to page 5 of the report of this committee, we shall find' that they found that a large combine Existed among coal dealers-in both Ottawa and Toronto. Speaking of the results of this investigation on the second reading of the Bill, Mr. Wallace said:
We find that these coal organizations are still in existence, we find the organization m Toronto and we find it in Ottawa, but in Ottawa public opinion has been brought so strongly to bear that coal which was sold ft $8-50 a ton during the whole winter of 1887 and 1888 was sold at about $6 or in some cases $5.75 a ton during the present winter (1889). We know that the price of coal in the United States was almost the same this year as last year, and that the cost of freight was almost precisely the same, and the fact of coal being sold in Ottawa for at least $2.50 per ton less shows either that the deal-